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Madagascar News Forums The Transformation of Antananarivo Reply To: The Transformation of Antananarivo

#486
Madagascar
Keymaster

At the end of the eighteenth century, the Indian Ocean was the setting for large trades, the slave, ox and rice trade in the Madagascar-Mascarene direction, and in the opposite direction trade was in manufactured goods , Canvases, alcohol, etc.). This trade plays an important role in the external relations of the island and extends far beyond its predominant location, the eastern coast, to the highlands, sihanaka, bezanozano and merina.
The traveler Mayeur, one of the most active of the Trait of the eighteenth century, adds a piece on the subject as an appendix to his Journey in the North of Madagascar (November 1774-January 1776). His writing refers to the post-Laval period, which governs the Treaty of the Indies. In 1767, he was replaced by Glemet during the transfer from the Ile de France to the French king, but he found himself once more a draftsman one year later.
Mayeur evokes “the variations in the prices of the objects of trade and their causes”. As long as the Indian Company and the King monopolize trade in the Great Island, counters exist everywhere on the eastern coast: Toamasina, Fulpointe, Fenoarivo, Manakara, in Antongil Bay. Prices are uniform and the rice is measured; Similarly, the cost of manufactured products is fixed on known bases and agreed on both sides.
Later, the Treaty is allowed to individuals, thus promoting competition. Thus, the price of a slave ranges from 23 to 62 piastres, that of beef between 4 and 8 piastres, and the rice, half a piastre the measure of 60 pounds against 90 pounds before. Accordingly, Mayeur suggests that “the trade of the interior should be left exclusively to the people of the country. They were strangely mistaken in believing that the fomentation of divisions between the natives was a
Policy in the interests of Europeans “.
Explaining his assertions, Mayeur says that if Malagasy are obliged to bring their rice to the counters they are near, competition not only raises the price, but also transforms villages into as many sales posts. And that’s not all. After having sold their rice, the Madcasses abandoned it, and it was necessary to remake with them for transport a second treaty almost as expensive as the first. He stressed that the Malagasy, conscious of the needs of the French, would never agree to lower prices
Competition.
Concerning the provocation of conflicts between indigenous people in the idea that it is a sure way to procure more slaves, Mayeur challenges this European policy. For him, it is not in the midst of the fires, devastations and other scourges of war that commerce can develop. He cites the example of Labigorne’s war with the king of Fulpointe, Zanahary, son of Ratsimilaho, in 1751 and 1760. In the first conflict, an accurate account of the ensuing slave sales, Of 2,000 prisoners to be exported for the Treaty; In the second case, out of 2,500 prisoners, only 200 are sold. “In a third similar war, in 1781, against the same prince, the number of prisoners amounted to 1,500, and that of slaves to 150 at the most. “
The reasons for this disproportion are simple. The first is that these are civil wars and the warriors in conflict are mostly relatives or allies. At the end of hostilities, the victors give freedom to their prisoners or exchange them against those captured by the enemy.
In the second place, the population of the province of Foulpointe, which trades in the interior with the plan of selling their slaves to the merchants, seeing the war on, does not sell them but keeps them for the exchanges necessitated by the conflict.
Finally, they are occupied in fortifying themselves and defending themselves, or they abandon the Tract entirely inland, or they do it only with great risk. Slaves thus become rare, which increases the disproportionate price compared with manufactured goods. This is also true for rice and oxen.