Select Page

Madagascar News Forums Crazy World legitimate marriage in Madagascar

1 voice
68 replies
  • Author
  • #600

    In the quest for a solution to the Franco-Merina First War, the French were satisfied with the presence of General Dighby Willoughby as Head of Delegation
    Malagasy. In fact, the dealings between the Prime Minister and Admiral Miot are kept secret and even the other emissaries who are Malagasy are not allowed to enter the negotiating tent.
    And it seems logical then that the Englishman – “friend of confidence” of Rainilaiarivony and Ranavalona III and “the right man” for the French – agrees with all the demands of France.
    The treaty of peace was signed on December 17, 1885. It consisted of 19 articles focusing mainly on the rights granted to the French government and the French residing in Madagascar.
    The first three articles stipulate the rights or, more specifically, the power of France over Madagascar. It is she who decides Malagasy relations with other nations and countries. The Hexagon will be represented by a “resident” installed in Antananarivo.
    The following four articles are devoted to the rights of the French living in Madagascar. Thus, the Malagasy government does not have to get involved in the disputes of French citizens who are subject to French legislation. They have the right to buy and lease “for an unlimited period” of the land and even leave that rental to their heirs. The freedom to propagate and follow a religion is also assured.
    Articles 8, 9 and 10 determine the compensation payable to the Malagasy Government amounting to 2 million farantsa (ariary). Until the total payment of this sum, the French occupy Toamasina.
    Articles 11 and 14 and the first part of Article 15 set out the few rights that remain to the Malagasy government: France entrusts the Ministry of the Interior and invites it to “consider well” the peoples of the Northwest Of the island and to grant amnesty to the Malagasy who took the side of the French during the conflict of 1883-1885.
    Article 13 shows the “generosity” of France which will not require “a war indemnity” since Ranavalona III “accepts all the conditions” of the treaty.
    Articles 17 and 18 reinforce the past “agreement”.
    The treaty is signed on the French side by Patrimonio and Miot, and on the Malagasy side by Willoughby. Rainilaiarivony “seems” astonished at this agreement and asks for clarification of some articles. Clarification which will be indexed to the treaty, because the queen will not sign the document if this measure is not taken. This is done on January 9, 1886.
    This request for explanation refers to the mission and the exact role of the French resident, the leasing of land by the French, the use of Antomboka Bay. It is thus made explicit that the resident may intervene in the foreign affairs of Madagascar and any agreement with a third country must be validated by it. This provision later led to another conflict between the two countries, apparently because of a confusion in the translation of the terms.
    There is also a “secret agreement” signed by Willoughby and Miot in which the Queen’s Government will not authorize a third country, even for a limited period of time, to use a port or parcel of land without the consent of the French. Where to store the coal it exports.
    In addition the lease of the land will be through a long lease of 99 years renewable.
    Finally, concerning the Bay of Antomboka, renamed occasionally by Diego-Suarez, the surface “will not exceed” 1.5 miles to the South and “4 miles circumference to the North”.
    These explanations, Ranavalona III and Rainilaiarivony sign the treaty. It is only after the latter informs the Great of the kingdom and the superior officers. They met on 19 January 1885 in Tsarahafatra. Most of them reject the clauses, since “the treaty withdraws their independence and sovereignty from the Malagasy”. The proponents reply “there is nothing more to do”.


    While the different stages of the negotiations to end the first Franco-Merina conflict (1883-1885) and the first mediation led by Suberbie did not reach their objective, it was the turn of Maigrot, the Italian ambassador, to Propose to intercede between Madagascar and France. On June 22, 1885, he joined Toamasina for the first time, with a letter from Rainilaiarivony, for Admiral Miot. He goes back and forth three times to pave the way to solving the problem.
    During all these negotiations, the will of France is to get hold of Madagascar, in the form of protectorate, and to prevent it from maintaining relations of other countries without French authorization. Maigrot’s mediation ended in July 1885. On 6 September, French troops fired a cannon shot from a naval vessel over Manjankandrianombana.
    On 10 September, they landed on the ground, confronted the Malagasy army, and they counted 53 dead in their ranks. On the Malagasy side, the losses are less and there are 11 wounded.
    General Willoughby helps in the Rainandriamampandry negotiations.
    The same month, the battle is much harder in Jangoa (Anorotsangana). Colonel Shervinton helps the Malagasy to chase the enemy. Meanwhile, the guns of ships
    French soldiers do not stop firing above the city, but the damage is minimal.
    While exchanges of shooting are made at times, secret exchanges of letters continue between Prime Minister Rainilaiarivony and Admiral Miot to find a way out of the conflict. The latter also discusses with the local authorities, including the 10 honors Ramonta and Radaoro who are the messengers of the Prime Minister. It is in this way that Admiral Miot informs the Queen’s government that the only outcome to this war is the protectorate.
    It is in this way that Admiral Miot informs the Queen’s government that the only outcome to this war is the protectorate. To the question of the two Malagasy emissaries if this protectorate lasts five or ten years, Miot replies: “It is insufficient and it will take up to 60 years. But in any case, it is preferable not to limit, in time, because everything depends on the duration for Madagascar to reach civilization. At that time, the island will regain its independence! “
    Article 1 of Miot’s proposal speaks of this protectorate. Article 2 confirms that Madagascar can not enter into an agreement with a third country without the agreement of France. In response Rainilaiarivony states in Article 1, “France accepts not to occupy Madagascar and leaves her autonomy, the government of the queen agrees not to contract a trait which grants her special advantages”.
    The Prime Minister accompanies this proposal of the regret of his government that
    “The term protectorate … has already prevented the signing of the preliminaries of Fihavanana presented by the Malagasy government.” It is on 15 August that Rainilaiarivony “limits the powers of the queen” to satisfy article 2 of Miot. These secret exchanges of letters between the Malagasy Prime Minister and Admiral Miot continued, and on October 31, 1885, Rainilaiarivony announced that Dighby Willoughby, his trustworthy man and that of the Queen, would continue the negotiations.
    It was not until December 4, 1885, that Willoughby announced to the Great of the kingdom and to the superior officers that he was going to go to Toamasina. Some say that sending an English emissary may not please the French. But the Prime Minister replies that it is a military mission and moreover, Rainilaiarivony warns Miot before sending there Willoughby.
    The French were satisfied with the envoy of the queen’s government,
    “As he does” and who is accompanied for the occasion by Rainizanamanga and Ralaby who can not yet access the meeting tent. The agreement signed limited itself to specifying the rights
    Granted to Madagascar by France! It contains 19 articles that the Notes summarize in an upcoming edition.


    As negotiations between the emissaries of the queen’s government and the French delegation, Baudais and the two admirals Galiber and then Miot, had no result, Jules Ferry, the French council president, ordered Suberbie to prosecute them as a “mediator” .
    This choice is explained by the fact that the latter has resided in Madagascar for a long time and has friendly relations with Prime Minister Rainilaiarivony.
    And here, the objective of the French is revealed because they actually want to impose the protectorate on all Madagascar. Suberbie goes to Paris to know what is really expected of him. Ignoring the undertones of this nomination, Rainilaiarivony does not hide his joy. He appoints
    Son Rainizanamanga to serve as intermediary between the French and him Suberbie the meeting in Fenoarivo- atsinanana.
    The latter is trying to convince the Malagasy government to accept the protectorate which “will guarantee the progress of the country and the civilization of the Malagasy”. According to him, this protectorate can only bring good to the subjects of the queen, specifying “that it will have no impact on the independence of the country since there will be no occupation of Malagasy territory “. He adds that “France will only guide the queen’s government to put in place the structures of the country and to reach civilization”.
    Suberbie continues: “If the Malagasy government accepts the protectorate, Rainilaiarivony will remain in power and later, its descendants will succeed it. Otherwise, the French troops will go up to Imerina. And he concluded: “It will be neither the English nor the missionaries who will hinder us. “
    Suberbie uses “stick and carrot”, promising each time, the multiplication of the wealth of the country thanks to the improvement of its foreign trade via France. In addition, he said, “Madagascar needs protection, because if a more powerful country invades it, you will lose everything.” Moreover, “if you accept this protectorate, we will not need territory, but just a port to repair and repair the buildings that frequent the region.” He did not forget, however, to cite “other advantages demanded by France to realize the protectorate”.
    Rainilaiarivony knows very well that the two countries are not equal and that Madagascar runs a lot of risks. “But a nation, no matter how small, can show great courage to preserve its independence and sovereignty, as the Malagasy people already prove by waging war” (1883-1885), he insists .
    “He has to do it because he knows very well that he has everything to lose if the government agrees.”
    The secret negotiations between Rainilaiarivony and Suberbia began in May 1884. In November, nothing was decided, as the Prime Minister only thought of defending the independence of the country, Suberbia to impose the protectorate on the whole island. Thus, Rainilaiarivony informs that the French emissary is only thinking of imposing the protectorate, he “sincerely regrets” not being able to accept it, while stressing that the government of the queen is ready to discuss an agreement ” Other than the protectorate “.
    In response, Suberbie declares his disappointment and warns the Prime Minister of the consequences of his refusal. As a last resort, he insists that Madagascar do a “protectorate trial”, but Rainilaiarivony refuses it “because the people reject it.” He promised that Madagascar would not put all or a portion of its territory under the protection of another country, and said that it was prepared to pay compensation in an amount to be discussed.
    Thus ends the “mediation” of Suberbia. During all these negotiations and since the declaration of the war in 1883, the clashes continue, with few deaths, except in Iharana where the battle is rough, complicated by the attitude of Malagasy who support France, and where Counts many deaths including that of the governor.


    The second meeting between the two conflicting parties in the first Franco-Merina war (1883-1885) ends in a fish tail (see previous note). Each one, especially France, maintains its position.
    The head of the Malagasy delegation, Rainandriamampandry, concluded his counter-proposal by suggesting holding a third meeting on 26 November. But one of the negotiators
    French, Baudais, replied only on February 3, 1884, urging him to an urgent meeting with Admiral Galiber for an “important affair”. Rendez-vous is therefore taken for the 21st of February.
    Galiber and Baudais point out that the Malagasy authorities should not seek advice from other countries and that war is still going on in the north and south of the island.
    Rainandriamampandry replied “that the Malagasy authorities refuse any bad advice”. Then, he added that the conflict should be resolved by the immediate payment by Madagascar of an indemnity, proposal that the French reject. Baudais recalled that King Tsimiharo had offered to France all the north of the island, more exactly north of the 16th parallel. But the head of the Malagasy delegation replied that this zone had been integrated into the Malagasy territory since 1824 and that thus “King Tsimiharo had offered you what did not belong to him”. However, Baudais insists that France can not abandon the “protectorate” demanded by the Sakalava in 1841. But to the question of Rainandriamampandry to know which zone it is, he does not answer, content to read to all the negotiators An agreement supposedly signed by the French, on the one hand, King Tsimiharo and Princess Tsiomeko, on the other. The head of the Malagasy delegation reiterated that “this zone no longer belonged to Tsimiharo and if he had given you Madagascar, would you have accepted it?” And he adds: “In the treaty of 1868, France had not Claimed that part of the Malagasy territory, and the Malagasy peoples who live there, now recognize themselves as the subjects of the queen and pay the taxes and customs duties. “
    Admiral Galiber, for his part, is very direct: “Ask all the other nations and they will tell you that the north of the island belongs to the French. So what are the limits you set us from Majunga? “Thus, all this staging would have translated only the French need to own land in Madagascar and to do so, they want it to be the queen and her government Which set the limits.
    Like the previous ones, the third meeting did not succeed.
    A few days later, the Malagasy emissaries proposed, in order to conclude the negotiations amicably, that the queen’s government granted Nosy Mitsio and Nosy Faly, on the side of Nosy Be, to France. Refusal of the French who press for the Malagasy leaders to give them all the north of the 16th parallel. Again, it is a dialogue of the deaf. End of the fourth meeting.
    The next negotiations, which should have taken place the following day, were postponed to
    3 April. The positions remain the same to the great disappointment of the French. It is the same during the seventh meeting, because the Malagasy refuse to participate as long as the French want to occupy a part of the island.
    In early May, Galiber left Madagascar, replaced by Admiral Miot.
    Discussions resumed at an eighth meeting on May 13, 1884. The tone hardened as Admiral Miot came to concretize the three points. The French requirements are very strict. Madagascar will have to pay to France 600 000 farantsa (ariary) of fines. The
    The Queen’s Government would have to delete article 85 of the Code from the 305 articles on
    Renting and selling land to foreigners and compensating foreigners, victims of war.
    The head of the Malagasy delegation tried to explain the position of his government, but “Miot and Baudais immediately rose and left the meeting with a simple farewell without shaking hands with the Malagasy,” said one participant.
    The ninth and final meeting was held on 29 May, during which the “French negotiators suggested that they would achieve their ends, using force if necessary”. And while the two parties sharpen their weapons, the President of the French Council, Jules Ferry designates some residents to undertake a mediation.


    When the Malagasy embassy, ​​sent to Europe and North America, finishing her journey, returned to Paris in mid-July 1883, she met Jules Ferry, who had just replaced Duclerc as President of the Council. Jules Ferry refused to continue the negotiations, arguing that the power to carry them out now falls to the French emissaries sent to Madagascar. They are Baudais and Admiral Galiber.
    The settlement of the Franco-Merina conflict which has just broken out, imposed by France in June of the same year, deals with three points. The first is that the royal government should no longer encroach on “the northwestern national territory under French protectorate”. The second concerns the guarantee that the Malagasy give French nationals the right to own land on the national territory. And the third requires the royal government to pay an allowance of 200,000 farantsa (ariary).
    When the embassy sent on a mission abroad arrived in Antananarivo in November 1883, both sides decided to resume negotiations in Toamasina. The Malagasy government is represented by the 15 hrs (honors) Rainandriamampandry, governor of Toamasina, the 13 hrs Andriantasy, Rainizanamanga and Ramarosaona. The French side
    Includes Admiral Galiber and Baudais. Negotiations began in November 1883 to
    To finish in May 1884. The first meeting serves mainly to make acquaintance and to present the official letters which accredit the emissaries of each party.
    During the second session, Admiral Galiber immediately asked the Malagasy representatives whether they wished to have two prisoners of war given to them, but Rainandriamampandry declined the offer, preferring that the discussions should be discussed immediately. The two French representatives imposed, as the basis of discussions, the three requirements of their government issued in June. And while the Malagasy part is procrastinating, Galiber launches an ultimatum: more discussion possible outside their three points. For the French, all that remains is to draft the peace treaty.
    The head of the Malagasy delegation insists however on a decision of the royal government that is to discuss an agreement other than the ultimatum. The French reject this proposal.
    So we take the three points. Concerning the French protectorate north of the 16th parallel of the Malagasy territory, which goes from Mahajanga to Antomboka, the Malagasies retort:
    “Radama I had focused all the efforts of his army and his people on the northwest coast of Madagascar, installed a governor and soldiers there, and had established a system of customs duties, all since 1824. His successor, Ranavalomanjaka I, had respected this decision and expelled strangers who entered it clandestinely. And the sovereigns who have since succeeded, had inherited it since the governors and troops in the region of Mahajanga are settled by the merina kingdom. “
    The French representatives replied in their turn “that it is no longer useful to
    Past, that only the three points of the ultimatum count “. Baudais does not fail to recall “the charter signed by Radama II in 1862”, which stipulates that “the King of Madagascar accepts that France take back the territory that he possessed in the island.” To which Rainandriamampandry retorts: “This property has already been abolished since Queen Rasoherina, her successor, paid the indemnity of 240,000 farantsa. “
    Speaking in turn, Baudais asked what counterproposition
    Malagasy. The Malagasy responded that it was necessary to find another way out of the crisis. Each part thus remains in its position.
    However, on 26 November, Rainandriamampandry sent a message to Galiber and Baudais, explaining the changes the government intends to make to the French ultimatum: the lease of land to a foreigner will be at the discretion of the landlord and the tenant , But the sale between the two remains formally prohibited; the government
    Malagasy agrees to pay any indemnity demanded by France to put an end to the controversy; As for the protectorate that France wants to establish in the north-west of the island, the Malagasy emissaries emphasize that Madagascar is “an independent, sovereign, indivisible country”. However, they propose the payment of another indemnity in order not to further deteriorate the situation.


    The Notes end with the opinions of some travelers, ethnologists and other scientists on the Pygmies of the South Malagasy. Let us quote Commerson (see previous note), who considers that the diminution of size in relation to that of Lapland is gradually graduated as from Lappa to Quimos; Both inhabit colder regions and the highest mountains of the earth. Those of Madagascar inhabited by the Quimos are 16 to 18 fathoms high above the level of the sea. The plants which naturally grow on these great heights seem to be only abortions like pine and birch, Others which, from the class of trees, pass to that of the humblest shrubs, merely because they have become alpine, that is to say, high mountains. “
    In the eighteenth century, the Malagasy Pygmies are so much talked that Dr. Munier,
    Also known by a memoir on the state of health on the east coast (J.C. Hébert), undertakes an exploratory voyage. However, when he reached the valley of Ambolo, he was wanting to be killed and returned to Fort Dauphin. The little he wrote on the question,
    Says Hébert, resides in a sentence in a letter dated March 1770: “I formed the project of going to discover a particular race of men called Quimos who live in the interior of the island. “
    Le Gentil, the astronomer of the king, who has come to observe the passage of Venus on the solar disk in the Indian Ocean, devotes a few pages of his book on this phenomenon to criticism of Commerson’s thesis. Barthelemy Huet de Froberville reproduces them in his Grand Dictionnaire.
    In fact, Le Gentil is surprised that neither Commerson nor Maudave, whom he knows very personally and whom he meets when they return from Fort Dauphin, in the Ile de France (Mauritius), never spoke to him about these Pygmies. His criticism was severe, especially against Commerson, who had “neither seen the Pygmies nor the high mountains of which he speaks.”
    He concludes categorically his opinion: “It is false that there is a tradition of Pygmies in Fort Dauphin currently existing in Madagascar. It is equally false that there is a commonly held notion throughout Madagascar of the present existence of so-called Quimos. “
    However, Hébert commented, partisans and adversaries of the existence of a dwarf people still continue to face each other.
    Thus, in his “Memory concerning the Isle of Madagascar”, read at the Institut de France, the
    4 September 1800, Lescalier criticizes Raynal’s work on the cultivation of rice, which is not so “brutal and savage” as on the existence of the Quimos. He was appointed in 1791, among the four civil commissioners for the French settlements situated beyond the Cape of Good Hope.
    He writes in substance: “Another of his errors on the island of Madagascar is that of the supposed existence of a people called Quimosses. He specifies that such a people does not exist, but rather “some dwarf and ill-shaped individuals by accident, in certain countries and in different places, without forming a body of a deformed and disgraced people of nature.” But according to Hébert, Lescalier does not leave the coast and remains little time in Foulpointe to get an idea.
    On the other hand, Fressanges has the advantage of advancing further into the interior as far as Ankay, three days’ march from the coast. In his Voyage to Madagascar, he speaks of the inhabitants of Andrantsay, who are “rough and cowardly” pastoral peoples. He adds: “They are the toys of the Ancoves who make war on them to have slaves. When they wish to repulse their enemies from their homes, they offer herds in tribute, thereby redeeming their liberty. “
    But referring to the indications given by the contractors, Fressanges realizes that these dwarfs are not in the province of Andrantsay. Moreover, he mentions that he never hears the word Quimos in all Madagascar, and that if by nature games he is born a dwarf, the natives call him “Zaza Coute Coute” or man-child , “Zazakoto” for Jean Valette. To conclude Hébert suggests that Fressanges must have misunderstood the word “Zaza-voatrotroka” reported by Chapelier (Zaza vowe toutouc) and Rondeaux (Zaza vouatoutoucque).


    The Notes take up the myth of the dwarf people in the southern Malagasy with the version of Commerson (1769-1771). At the end of 1769, the scientist visited the governor of Fort Dauphin, the Earl of Maudave. On April 18, 1771, he wrote a letter to De Lalande which was then inserted in the supplement to the “Voyage” of Bougainville published in 1772.
    According to J. C. Hébert, De Lalande publishes an article on a dwarf people of Madagascar in the Journal des Savants of December 1771. And in the Journal of Physics of the Abbe Rozier, under the name of the same scientist, there is a “Letter on Commers’ eulogy published in February 1775 containing the observations of M. de Clugny on the Quimos.”
    Commerson, for his part, writes a “Historical Note on a Dwarf People of Madagascar, Kimosse” and an account of his “Journey to Madagascar in 1770”, containing the dates and observations of natural history made in the South, The Fort Dauphin area.
    In Froberville’s “Grand Dictionnaire”, reproduced in the Abbé Rochon’s version, Hebert points out an extract from Commerson: “The amateurs of the marvelous, who would doubtless have wished us to have reduced to 6 feet The so-called gigantic size of the Patagonians, will perhaps accept in compensation a race of Pygmies which gives in the opposite excess. I mean those half-men from the interior of the Great Isle of Madagascar, who form a considerable body of nation called Quimos or Kimos in the Massecasse language. “
    Speaking of their natural and distinctive character, Commerson indicates that these little men have a more pale complexion than all the natives of the island, with very long arms “so that the hand reaches below the knee without bending the body, Women have no breast, at least they give cow’s milk to their newborns.
    Concerning their intellectual faculties, the Quimos dispute with the other Madecas known to be “very spiritual and very skilful though given to the greatest laziness”. He points out that the Quimos are much more active and also warlike because of their courage that supplants their size and they can never be oppressed by their neighbors who “often have a problem with them.” As the aim of all internal war in the island is to have an important booty of cattle and slaves, their size preserves them from this “last insult”
    Commerson adds, “Though attacked with unequal forces and weapons, for they do not have the use of powder and guns as their enemies, they have always fought courageously and kept free in their rocks, their difficult access Undoubtedly contributing greatly to their conservation. “They live on rice, different fruits, vegetables and roots, raise a large number of zebu and large-tailed sheep. They do not communicate with their neighbors “either by trade or in any other way”, living in self-subsistence.
    Commerson also confirms that when, from the top of their mountains, they see an important troop advancing in the plain, “they decide of themselves to attach to the entrance of the defiles, where it is necessary to pass to go to them Some superfluous of their flocks, of which, they say, they voluntarily sacrifice to the poverty of their elder brothers. ” Froberville in his Dictionary notes: “The Quimos, as we see, are not only a people of Pygmies, but a people of wise men. And he remarked: “M. de Maudave makes them live in a valley, M. de Commerson des mountains.” “
    The Abbe Rochon completes what Froberville says: “At three or four days from Fort Dauphin, the people of the country show with a great deal of complacency a succession of small mounds or earthen mounds in the form of tombs, which they assert their origin To a massacre of Quimos defeated in the open by their ancestors. Be this as it may, this constant tradition in these canyons, as well as a notion widely spread by all Madagascar, of the still existing existence of the Quimos, do not allow to doubt that at least part of what is told , Be true … “
    The Abbe de Rochon, who can see the wife Quimosse at Maudave’s house, summarizes: “She did not resemble slender little people, but rather a woman of ordinary proportions in detail, but only shortened in height. “


    “The time seems ripe for withdrawing from the intelligence officers an urban police service that is not in their normal duties and that duplicates the civilian police service. At the same time, I would be grateful if you would allow them to be held at the disposal of the administrative and judicial authorities. It was in a letter sent to General Voyron that the resident general, Hippolyte Laroche, communicated this proposal. General Voyron agrees and concludes: “The persons arrested lately are now at the disposal of the administrative and judicial authority. “
    But the military intelligence service does not take that into account. Resident Pradon, who was in charge of investigating the insurrection, sought on 9 July to question the deputy governor of Ampanotokana, arrested and detained by order of the service. He is told that Lieutenant Peltier “reserves this prisoner for himself.”
    In his fortnight report, Hippolyte Laroche emphasizes that there is “a confusion of powers with an infantry officer assuming the functions of prefect of police, independent of the general residence and hindering the action of his delegates” . Challenging the merits of military investigations, he wondered whether the Menalamba insurrection really had a single direction. It even tends to see in it a variant of the “fahavalist” movements (enemies of France), “heterogeneous, periodic in Madagascar”, and which in 1896 develops more than usual. This is explained, he believes, by “the momentary weakening of the forces of resistance, the inevitable consequence in the provinces of rigorous disarmament and the substitution of an entirely new staff for the old staff of the governors and Manamboninahitra (general officers) “.
    In support of his theory, the resident general maintained that nothing seemed to reveal a single direction. According to him, if the insurgents have certain intelligences in the capital, it is more than probable; But nothing indicates that these sympathies are active. “We must above all reject the idea of ​​complicity run free by the Malagasy government. “
    He argued that no betrayal had occurred on the side of the officials appointed by this government since his arrival. Some have stood up to the insurgents and have been able to defeat them. That others, less skilled or new to understand and use the resources of the posts entrusted to them, nevertheless sought to do their duty and “proved it by dying”. Among the latter, he cites 12 hrs Rafaralahibedaoro and seven officers burned in Manjakandriana on 30 April; 12 hrs. Rabanona, governor of Antsirabe died April 29 after receiving three wounds; On 13 June Rakotovoalavo, Governor-General of Vonizongo, killed with guns and sagaies with his five officers on 11 June; The 11th Ratsimanohitra, governor of Ambatomanga, is not dead, but he is transported to the hospital of Soavinandriana with injuries including two serious on 28 June …
    Hippolyte Laroche, indicating the ranks of these officers, took the opportunity to point out that in the ranks of the insurrection there is not a single character of mark. “The insurgents begin to claim honors, but it is unquestionably established that those who qualify 13 or 12 hrs actually have only 8 or 9, and most often not at all. “
    In the end, the Attorney General entrusted his deputy Dauran-Forgues, who
    President of the tribunal of Antananarivo, the investigation of the conspiracy case denounced by the military intelligence service. The Resident-General hoped that the investigation would lead to the dismissal of most of the persons accused, for lack of any evidence against them or a mere presumption. “From the first day the magistrate ordered the release of the secretary of Rasanjy, whose arrest was inexplicable”
    This, however, should not prevent the justice from trying to discover either another conspiracy if there is one, or “some maneuvers or some acts involving connivance with the rebels”. It is in this sense that Hippolyte Laroche arrests some people, the best known of which is the leader of the Tsimahafotsy, Ravelonanosy. “He came to see me, and sought by his relations with me, either to cover himself against suspicion, or to give more importance to the people. His attitude, his demonstrations of devotion, his language seemed to me more affected than sincere and determined me to watch him discreetly.


    In his second fortnight report dated July 27, 1896, the resident general of France Hippolyte Laroche questioned the faith to be given to the list of presumed brains of
    The insurrection of Menalamba, drawn up by the French military intelligence service led by Lieutenant Peltier. Hippolyte Laroche even speaks of “the most extraordinary information” retransmitted by the intermediary of General Voyron.
    Such as that of April 8, which indicates to him that the governor of Manatonana in the Vakinankaratra, Rainijaonary prepares the insurrection in the South. On April 26, he was given a copy of a letter from the same Rainijaonary to the rebels who gave them orders as
    “General-in-chief and organizer of the whole insurrection.” On the same day, the governor was denounced for having come clandestinely to Tanjombato near the capital “to distribute weapons to the rebels”.
    On April 29, he was told of the gathering at the end of the moon of all the rebels who would enter Anjozorobe through a tunnel.
    “All rebels in the north are armed with rifles loading by the breech. They also have seven cannons, one of which was offered to them by Europeans from Antananarivo. “Minister of the Interior Rainandriamampandry is also the subject of such precise accusations for a long time. Then it was the turn of Queen Ranavalona III to be called into question on 26 June. Speaking to a rebel leader who had come secretly to Antananarivo, she had confided to him a signed letter from her hand, urging the rebels to fight. The chief of the insurgents would have read it on the banks of the Mananara “in a loud voice” before his men.
    Hippolyte Laroche commented on this information by indicating that it is “very likely that rebel leaders are reading orders or letters that they claim come from Rainijaonary or the queen. It is certain that during the popular movements (against merina royalty) on the east coast in January last, all the chiefs of bands gave themselves as acting under the orders of the Residence of France of which they exhibited of pretended letters.
    According to the resident general, a correspondence “seized” on 25 June by the military secret agents is presented as evidence against the queen. She was allegedly sent by the former governor general of the Menabe, Razafindrazaka, who, fearing the reception of the French in Antananarivo, prefers to stay in the middle of the Sakalava. His fear comes from the fact that in 1895 he shot two Frenchmen “by virtue of formal orders from Rainilaiarivony, apparently justified by certain acts of those whose death is accused of.” Despite the promise made by the resident general, he refuses to rejoin his native country. And it is his successor who accuses him of fomenting the rebellion.
    In his desperate letter to the Queen, he would have written in substance: “Do not do anything, do not spend a penny. Here, there is nothing to realize, I am ruined, annihilated. The sale to the Vazaha did not succeed, the money I advanced to the government when I was governor, is impossible to recover and probably forever lost … I am reduced to begging, I, former Governor General (…) Our situation no longer allows us to make any sacrifice whatever happens. I am forced to share the feelings of the whole Menabe, between Manja and Betsiriry, between Midongy and the sea. I will only serve the offspring of Andrianampoinimerina and we will break everything Which is an obstacle. “
    And the alleged letter of Razafindrazaka would have concluded: “The spies tell me that the Imerina revolts, that even in the capital the friends of the Vazaha are not in very large numbers. If this is so, we will overcome them, and if His Majesty will not, we will march in spite of ourselves … because we do not want to leave Madagascar under the yoke of the foreigner. “
    Moreover, concerning the names mentioned in the list drawn up by the Military Intelligence Service, Hippolyte Laroche accused the latter of addressing himself to Sir Abraham Kingdom, “an English subject, intriguing and well known, whose futile imagination can not fail New complications to add to those that seek to blur our justice. “
    The service thus communicates information “that does not vary very much”. Namely that on June 29, a prisoner confesses that the populations were raised by Ramahatra, governor-general of Antananarivo; Rasanjy, Secretary-General of the Government; Razafimanantsoa and Ratsimamanga, uncles of the queen; Rainandriamampandry, Minister of the Interior; Rakotomena, nephew of the queen. And that it is the Prime Minister Rainitsimbazafy, placed by the general residence, that distributes rifles.